Wednesday, November 14, 2012

Individual traits to the state

The point of disobedience in such a philosophy is non simply to declare one's own honourable judgements through put to death, but also to pitch the state itself and the laws of the state. If the disobedient individual did not bank that his or her actions would absorb nigh changing effect on the state, its laws, or the hearts and minds of other citizens, then that individual would believably not be inspired enough to take the disobedient action in the first place. The highly moral individual would probably still disobey what he or she saw as an immoral law, but there would not be as much incentive if he or she did not select the hope that the law, the state, and other human beings would be affected positively by the disobedient action.

Again, if the individual is receiving something from the state---from police protection to metropolis plumbing to many other advantages and rights and privileges---then he is obligated to allot to submit to the legal consequences of any disobedient action he takes on moral grounds. By receiving the benefits of the state, he has entered into a use up of sorts with the state, and if he chooses to obey a high moral office staff than the state's laws, then he is morally bound as advantageously to submit to the state's punishment because of that contract into which he had entered.

Socrates all the way understands that the


Gandhi, Mohandas K. "Aspects of Nonviolent Resistance." In Current Issues and constant Questions, edited by Sylvan Barnet and Hugo Bedau. Boston: Bedford Books,l993. 603-606.

Stanton, Elizabeth Cady. "Declaration of Sentiments and Resolutions." In Current Issues and Enduring Questions. 599- 602.

Writing the letter from jail, King distinctly believes that he is bound to abide by the punishment portion forth by the law of the state for his erupticipation in the demonstrations of non-violent civil disobedience.
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His willing acceptance of that punishment and the turbulence of the entire process of the demonstrations and the state's response are a crucial part of his aims: "Nonviolent direct action seeks to create such a crisis and foster such a tension that a confederation which has constantly refused to negotiate is forced to confront the issue" (King 610-611).

Jefferson besides appeals to "the Laws of Nature and of Nature's God" (Jefferson 595) in declaring that the people for whom he writes have decided that the laws of the state under which they live are no longer just and right and no longer be the allegiance of those people. Jefferson and his fellow revolutionaries took their disobedience to the ultimate stage of overthrowing the state. They were clearly just as willing as Socrates to risk their lives for their belief in a higher moral authority. Again, my own moral beliefs are mirrored in the actions and ideas of these five writers. All of them believe in a limited duty to the state, overshadowed at some point by a duty to a higher moral authority. At the same time, these writers generally accept the object that they must be willing to pay the legal legal injury for their disobedience to the state.

The basic point of a state or a society is to provide a place and a means whereby human beings can live and work unitedly for the benefit of all. Socrates presents the state's side of the argument eloquently and persuades himself that he should do the right thing
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